Dodatky, doplňky, poznámky, úvahy, doporučené zdroje
Josef Mikovec
Comments
The bases for Washington in Aruba and Curazao, islands that form part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, has been used in recent years to harass and intimidate Venezuela. Among visits by aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, warplanes and thousands of soldiers and U.S. special forces, these small islands - only a few kilometers from the Venezuelan coast - are among a growing conflict between Washington and Venezuela. At the same time, the Dutch government launched a campaign against the government of Hugo Chavez, trying to prove that Venezuela has plans to invade the Dutch islands (Aruba, Bonaire and Curaza)..."
Jižní Amerika předkládá nové alternativy
Is a Foreign Military
Intervention in Venezuela Imminent?
Jair Bolsonaro’s inner circle: who’s
who
Bolívarovské misie
bolivar.wbs.cz
Teorie – základní principy
Venezuela's military supports
Maduro
Writing about contemporary Venezuela today is a complicated task, one made all the more difficult as we assess the post-Chávez landscape, a landscape that he shaped more profoundly than any leader in Latin America in this century. A country that previously seldom registered on the world stage became the source of global attention, mostly centered on the actions of Chávez, who died in March 2013. Informed by media accounts, many people seem to hold relatively one-sided opinions of Venezuela under Chávez.°°
This is the world we live
in. This is the world we cover.¨
Venezuela: Call It What It Is—a Coup
One poll even suggests that as recently as a week ago, more than 80 percent
of Venezuelans had no idea who Guaidó even was.
Pravda o Venezuele: Jak došlo k tomu, že země ležící na 20% světových zásob
ropy žije v bídě a astronomických dluzích? Říkají vám, že za to můžou
socialističtí vůdcové Venezuely? Studie torontské univerzity to nejen vyvrací,
ale odhaluje skutečného viníka ! O
čem se v souvislosti s Venezuelou a jejím bohatstvím v podzemí a bídou na
povrchu země nesmí mluvit?... /
What You’re Not Being Told About Venezuela Crisis.
w/Abby Martin – YouTub
Operation Balboa
was a military simulation conducted by the Spanish Armed Forces from May 3 to 18, 2001 to
mimic an invasion of western Venezuela from Colombia and Panamá. The military exercise included operation by land,
air and sea in which the forces of the United States along with regional allies
carried an attack to seize the west of Venezuela under the authorization of
a fictitious UN resolution 1580
Trump, Mattis And The Asymmetric War Against Venezuela
After the
purge of the strategist Steve Bannon from the
ultra-nationalist entourage of Donald Trump by the troika of generals who took
over the White House: James “Mad Dog” Mattis, Secretary of Defense; H.. R.
McMaster, National Security Adviser, and John Kelly, Chief of Staff, the
non-conventional and asymmetric war against Venezuela, partially declared by
the President of the United States, could now pass to a new phase of military
escalation.
With that frame of reference, and to combat the threats from Trump, at
the end of August, 200,000 soldiers of the Bolivarian Armed Forces, 700,000
militia, reservists and civilians participated in the military exercise named
Bolivarian Sovereignt
Trump said at the U.N. that he was prepared to take “new actions”
against the “socialist dictatorship” of Nicolas Maduro. Washington already
imposed financial sanctions against Venezuela and on Sunday 24 September
included Venezuelan government officials in a list of countries with travel ban
to the United States. Even last August, the administration run by the generals
of the “puppet Trump” – as James Petras calls him – did not exclude the
“military option
There is cyber warfare (through social media such as Facebook, Youtube,
Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram), articulated with campaigns of white, gray and
black propaganda expertly managed by the seven largest communication
corporations that work with the same global ideology (Time Warner Corporation,
General Electric, News Corporation, Sony news website) and act as a policeman
enforcing the dictatorship of neo-liberal thought (controlling the cultural
superstructure),
With its hub as a strategy of full spectrum dominance the 4th Generation
War against Venezuela included simultaneously and continuous psychological
warfare (intelligence actions designed by experts in communication and mass
psychology to generate a type of mental colonization to control society); the
economic/financial war using hoarding and shortages by 20 transnational from
the food and pharmaceutical sectors; manipulation of the exchange
we would become earth, air and water” – and lead a war of resistance.
Attempted Coup in Venezuela with Abby Martin, Greg
Wilpert, Paul Jay
Before Venezuela, US has long involvement in Latin
America - 680 NEWS
The History - and Hypocrisy - of US Meddling in
Venezuela
Aggression Against Venezuela Reaches a New Level of
Intensity |
US Administrations Have Been Intervening in Venezuela
Since at Least the Early 2000s
As U.S. Moves to Oust Maduro, Is
Invading Venezuela Next?
Allan Nairn on Trump’s Attempted Coup | Democracy Now!
Comments
As
the Trump administration continues its attempt to oust Venezuelan President
Nicolás Maduro, the U.S. has imposed a de facto embargo on oil from Venezuela’s
state-run oil company. The new sanctions include exemptions for several U.S.
firms, including Chevron and Halliburton, to allow them to continue working in
Venezuela. We speak with prize-winning investigative journalist Allan Nairn
about the push to privatize Venezuela’s oil.
democracynow.org
A War for Oil? Bolton Pushes Privatization of Venezuela’s Oil as U.S.
Ratchets Up Pressure on Maduro
Allan
Nairn: Trump’s Venezuela Envoy Elliott Abrams Is
a War Criminal Who Has Abetted Genocide
Armáda
stoji za prezidentem
Backed by military, Venezuela's Maduro hits back at
rival and US supporters | News24
Life
in the capital, Caracas, appeared to be returning to normal on Thursday after
mass anti-government demonstrations a day earlier that left at least a dozen
dead in the escalating conflict with Mr Maduro, who has been increasingly
accused of undemocratic behaviour by the US and many other nations in the
region.
Stores
in some areas were reopening but remained shuttered in others.
“National, ethnic, cultural and sexual identity is taken away from
people. However, the question "who am I?" is a fundamental question,
because every human being needs an identity. Instead of the national and ethnic
identities the mass media will give the people new identities: political and
consumer trend and brand identities. You become what you buy, what you vote.
The effects of advertising and media influence will become more direct; your
life will be a narrative tailored for you. Enjoy your future! It will be
sufficiently under control”.
Capitalism
as Religion
The
Theses on History provide a theological response to capitalism, because for
Benjamin, capitalism is religious in nature. In ‘Capitalism as
Religion’, Benjamin argues that capitalism did not simply stem
from Protestantism (as Weber argued), but is a religion in its own right. It
developed parasitically by attaching itself to Christianity. Firstly, it
reduces all of existence to its own standards of value. Secondly, it colonises
all of time with this regime of value, as if every day were a day of worship.
Thirdly, it is a cult based on guilt and blame (not repentance). It declares
everyone to be guilty. It is a ‘cultic’ religion, of ritual practices,
without ‘dogma’ or religious doctrine. Objects such as banknotes carry
religious symbolism. It is an unusual religion because it offers not transformation
but the destruction of existence. It flourishes on anxiety or ‘worries’, which
‘index the guilty conscience of hopelessness’.
Benjamin argues that the messianic moment consummates
history, and is therefore necessarily incommensurable with it. The historical
world therefore cannot be built on a divine or messianic model. It should be
built on a model of happiness instead. This pursuit of happiness both
contradicts and assists the messianic moment. Messianism is also the
passing-away of the world. How can this be reconciled with the revolutionary
role of messianism?
Univerzální padouch
Chavez chce napadnout Holandsko
se
nezastaví. Ač to působí absurdně, dokonce jedny z nejrozšířenějších holandských
novin De Telegraaf uveřejnily “článek Roy Kloppera “!War with
Venezuela Threatens”
Hrozí válka s Venezuelou:
"The
Department of Defense of the Netherlands is seriously considering that the
country could go to war with Venezuela due their intentions to surround the
Dutch Antilles."
Klopper dokonce tvrdí, že doposud nebylo tak oficiálně a
otevřeně uvažováno o možnosti vojenského konfliktu s Venezuelou.
a z Venezuely:
Washington Plans New Military Bases in Brazil and Peru to Contain
Venezuela... Holland Prepares War with Venezuela
The bases for Washington in Aruba and Curazao, islands that form part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, has been used in recent years to harass and intimidate Venezuela. Among visits by aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, warplanes and thousands of soldiers and U.S. special forces, these small islands - only a few kilometers from the Venezuelan coast - are among a growing conflict between Washington and Venezuela. At the same time, the Dutch government launched a campaign against the government of Hugo Chavez, trying to prove that Venezuela has plans to invade the Dutch islands (Aruba, Bonaire and Curaza)..."
Dutch government considers war with Venezuela
Holandsko je členským státem NATO.
Na
Caracas, na Caracas! | 26. 7. 2010 | Josef Mikovec | Britské listy
Brazilská
a guatemalská inspirace
Guatemalský zdařilý experiment následován
Protikandidátem v druhém kole byl
politik, právník a podnikatel Dr. Manuel Antonio Baldizón Méndez (nar.6 května
1970). Který
je reprezentanem strany Libertad
Democrática Renovada (LIDER). Věří na trest smrti , který má být
pokud možno prováděn veřejně a viditelněji v televizi. A častěji. Naprosto ve
shodě se svým chápáním křesťanství. Výběr se tedy stal značně sporný, ale v
zemi s vysokou kriminalitou a násilnostmi se to dá, tak nějak, pochopit..
Guatemala
je zemí s římsko-katolickou většinou, ŘK církev však zažila období těžkých persekucí a v
současnosti rapidně přibývá protestantů a protestanských církví a sekt.
Převážně
ze severoamerického exportu z důvodů politických a jim podřazených
ideologických, rozkládajících a rozleptávajících kulturní možnosti národa.
Mají, jak se dostatečně projevuje i funkci Trojského koně a selekce.
Jedním z cílů je také neutralizace Theologie
osvobození a perspektivní levice...Pro jiné skupiny
jsou importované filmové splašky a hudební sedliny z kulturní industrie Mnohé
sekty jsou značně bizarní a z třetího až čtvrtého vrhu, hierarchizované podle
sociálních skupin a struktur, které mají intoxikovat. Začíná se u dětí jako
bezbranných rukojmích ideologického a materiálního konzumu "Vláda USA přispěla k Asamblea
de Dios -- Assembly of
God, letniční sekty,
v takové míře, že tato vlastní 1500
bohoslužebných budov vedle četných
televizních a rozhlasových stanic v
Guatemale. Navíc administrativa Ronalda Reagana (1981-1989) stála za
založením Church of the Word, která byla v roce 1982 aktivní v coup
d'état vedeným generálem José Efraín Ríos Monttem. Posouván byl Reaganem. Poněkud opožděně a neškodně, v
roce 1999, Bill Clinton prohlásil, že americká podpora guatemalské armády byla
chybou. Pentekostalista Ríos Montt prohlási. že vize čtyř jezdců z knihy
Zjevení jsou čtyři moderní zla - hlad, bída,
nevědomost a subverse pochopitelně levicová.Období jeho diktatury (1982–1983) patří k
nejtemnější, nejkrvavější historii Latinské Ameriky. Občanská válka, která trvala 36 let a skončila v roce 1996 měla za
následek přibližně 200 000 obětí na životech, 45 000 zmizelých, nejméně 200 000 uprchlíků do Mexika a zhruba stejný počet do USA,
asi 250 000 sirotků, genocidu Indiánů, 450 zničených mayských
vesnic a řadu jiných zločinů. Více
Naom Chomsky, Solutions for Central America a zde „US secretly infcted Guatemalan mental patients with
syphilis and gonorrhea”.
Bohem vyvolen.
“Capitalism is a religion of pure cult, without dogma.”
Walter Benjamin: Messianism
and Revolution – Theses on History
THE STRENGTH and size of Bolsonaro’s evangelical base is largely unique
to him. The evangelical churches in Brazil, especially the Universal Church of
the Kingdom of God (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus), are run by a very corrupt
sort of mafia that is intimately tied to Bolsonaro.
Prosperity theology
“Prosperity theology teaches that Christians are entitled to well-being
and, because physical and spiritual realities are seen as one inseparable
reality, this is interpreted as physical health and economic prosperity”
Ríos Montt měl úzké vztahy k severoamerickým
protestantským mluvčím. Bývalý prezidentský kandidát v USA, televangelista Pat
Roberston, známý svou výzvou k zavraždění venezuelského prezidenta Hugo
Chaveze, protože to přijde levněji než invaze: "It's a whole lot cheaper than starting a war ...
and I don't think any oil shipments will stop." neprodleně
navštívil Guatemalu, pět dnů po převratu a vyjádřil diktátorovi svou podporu,
které se mu z USA dostalo i ve finanční podobě i od protestantských organizací.
Guatemalští protestanté viděli prvního protestanta ve vedení země jako projev
Boží vůle. Byl to samotný Bůh kdo určil, ba jmenoval Montta jako cestu ke
Kristu a záchranu Guatemaly před bezbožným komunismem. Pentekostalismus jako
politicko – obchodní artikl se v Latinské Americe stále osvědčuje. V
prezidentských volbách 1999 Monttův bývalý sekretář, Francisco Bianchi zakládá
politickou stranu protestantů, která má podporu Církve Slova, později přechází
k církevní organizaci El Shaddai a zakládá v roce 2003 novou politickou stranu
na základě křesťanských principů v
Nikaragujská revoluce na jiný
způsob? Nepřehlížejme Latinskou Ameriku !
Čili
? Ohrožení všech zemí spojíte se ?
Čili
? Ohrožení všech zemí spojíte se ?
The Specter of Fascism in Venezuela
Now
Maduro finds himself in a strange social democratic limbo, with Perez signaling
the emergence of very clear, defined fascist elements desperate to burn down
the Bolivarian project. The Venezuelan currency has lost 99.8 percent of
its value in the last five years, and the country is now struggling forward
with no more than $10 billion left in its treasure chest. This is not a failure
of socialism, as the capitalist class is quick to claim, but the result of an
improvised attempt at 21st-century radical reform dependent on one commodity —
oil — which never transformed the social fabric of the country.
The
danger is that fascism, being reared in the ruling classes and dominant global
economic system, is always clear about what it wants and how. Perez in his
video explicitly proclaims nationalism and religion as guiding creeds. As Enzo
Traverso makes clear in Fire and Blood: The European Civil War, 1914-1945
Fire and Blood: The European Civil War, 1914-1945
Do
jisté mírz se týká i Brazílie
ukázka
propagandy
HUGO CHAVEZ: VENEZUELAN COMMUNISM -
COMUNISMO VENEZOLANO - YouTube
945/dp/1784781363
Nikaragujská revoluce na jiný způsob?
Nepřehlížejme Latinskou Ameriku !
Čili
? Ohrožení všech zemí spojíte se ?
Čili
? Ohrožení všech zemí spojíte se ?
Imaginary Lines - The Media War on Venezuela
Noam Chomsky on the economic war on Latin America –
YouTube
The Revolution Will Not Be Televised - Chavez: Inside
the Coup - YouTube
Od pokusu o vojenský puč
sice uplynulo hodně let,ale nezdá se, že lidé tohoto ražení jsou ochotni a schopni ustupovat,
i když od té doby se hodně
změnilo k horšímu, nejen v ekonomice
Historicky
trvalý přínos
Latinské
Ameriky není malý. Chiapas, Venezuela, Bol9vie, Ekvádor, brazilské Hnutí
bezzemků, argentinská dělnická samospráva, hnutí FRETECO a obdobné hnutí v
Brazílii - "dwarf networks",
městská subkultura Aymarů reprodukující série sítí, sociální fraktální
geometrie, hospodářské organizace vzájemné pomoci uchovávající rovněž etnické,
kulturní, etické a psychohistorické hodnoty, jsou sice jako takové nepřenosné,
ale podněcující k hledání toho, co je v nich univerzalizující
a eticky ofensivní.
Jižní Amerika předkládá nové alternativy
"Jednou z možností je Parecon,
který detailně rozebírá ve svých knihách např. Michael
Albert. Participativní demokracie a ekonomika je založena na spolupráci,
nikoliv na soutěžení. Podobným návrh pochází např. od W. Bella a jeho úvahách o
deglobalizaci. Základem obou přístupů je komunitní participativní systém,
spolupráce výroby a spotřeby, která nutně vyžaduje decentralizaci a silnou
demokratickou participaci. Předvoj tohoto vývoje můžeme pozorovat v Jižní
Americe."
Co
je jednoznačně inspirující i pro Evropu, včetně té Střední, je praktické
ověření participačního rozpočtu, Pareconu, různých forem spolupráce a
družstevnictví současně s uskutečnováním participační demokracie. V Brazílii to je přibližně 80 obcí, které mají "participatory
budget".
Jižní Amerika neznámá a podceňovaná má a získává dost
přínosného, nejen zrozeného v Evropě, ale i zcela vlastního původem i podobou.
I pouhé projekty pro první fázi rozvoje jsou pro Oligarchii nežádoucí
V článku
Ku charakteristike solidárnej ekonomiky v Brazílii (Hacia una
caraterización de la economía solidaria en Brasil. En: Revista Venezolana de
Economía Social, Año 9, N°17, Enero-Junio 2009) skúma belgická ekonómka Andreia
Lemaître proces, prostredníctvom ktorého vzniklo a upevnilo sa sociálne
hnutie obraňujúce princípy solidárnej ekonomiky ako alternatívy ku kapitalizmu.
Robí to vytváraním spoločnej identity niekoľkých skupín aktérov spojených na základe
spoločných aktivít. V historickom a komparatívnom kontexte
s vývojom v Európe článok (ako samozrejme zďaleka nie jediná štúdia)
ponúka aj analýzu prostriedkov, ako sa niektorým súkromným organizáciám darí
nepretržitým spôsobom produkovať veci, potraviny a služby bez sledovania
kapitalistického zámeru maximalizácie zisku.
Chávez zastává politiku, již nazývá socialismem 21.
století. V jejím rámci se snaží o snížení chudoby a sociálních rozdílů v zemi a
zlepšování veřejných služeb.Ekonomická expanze Venezuely započala, když vláda
převzala kontrolu nad ropnou společností PDVSA v prvním kvartálu roku 2003. Od
té doby nastalo několik změn v ekonomických a společenských ukazatelích:[8]
reálné, o inflaci upravené HDP téměř zdvojnásobilo,
většina ekonomického růstu ovšem pocházela z
neropného sektoru, soukromý sektor rostl rychleji než veřejný,
míra chudoby byla snížena o více než polovinu na
26 % na konci roku 2008,
od roku 1999 počet domácností v chudobě klesl o
39 %,
extrémní chudoba poklesla o více než 72 %,
mezi lety 1998 a 2006 se výdaje na sociální oblast
na obyvatele více než ztrojnásobily,
dětská úmrtnost klesla o
více než třetinu,
počet praktických lékařů se více než
zdvanáctinásobil,
mezi lety 1999 a 2008 výrazně ubylo analfabetů a
vzdělání se celkově zlepšilo, zejména to vyšší (zdvojnásobil se počet
přijímaných studentů na VŠ),
za stejné období nezaměstnanost spadla z 11,3 na
7,8 % (krátce během jara 2003 vlivem stávek v ropném průmyslu stoupla na
19,2 %, ale od té doby klesala),
přístup k pitné vodě stoupl z 80 na 92 %
přístup k sanitaci (koupel, sprcha, …) stoupl z 62
na 82 %
od roku 1998 do začátku roku 2009 vzniklo ve
Venezuele 2,9 milionu nových pracovních míst,
za stejnou dobu stoupl počet vyplácených
(starobních, invalidních) důchodů a životního minima z 1,7 na 4,4 %
zahra
Stejně tak
je to se sociální politikou a konkrétními změnami. Je to řada tzv. Bolivariánských
misí zde bojující proti chudobě,
aktivních ve zdravotnictví, vzdělávání, kultuře, zemědělství, zásobování.
Indiánům bylo vráceno přes milion akrů půdy a Afro - Venezuelanům a
indigenním obyvatelům byl umožněn vlastní kulturní vývoj .
Latin America’s experiments in
direct democracy
Bolivariánská Venezuela a
4.světová válka!
Intervención
de EEUU en Venezuela y América Latina
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6JYijUX_0A angl. a
španělsky
John Pilger - The New rulers of The World - YouTube
Is a Foreign Military
Intervention in Venezuela Imminent?
“Maduro has accused Washington of trying to govern Venezuela from afar,
and said the opposition was seeking to stage a coup. “We’ve had enough
interventionism, here we have dignity, damn it!” President Maduro said in a
televised address from the presidential palace while a huge assembly of people
joined in solidarity to Maduro in front of Miraflores Palace, the presidential
house in Caracas.
Venezuela’s foreign minister lashed out at
“subordinate clowns” who he said followed the “owner of the imperialist
circus."
Bolivia declared, as tweeted by President Evo
Morales, “solidarity with the people of Venezuela and brother Nicolas Maduro”
in resisting the “claws of imperialism” in South America. Bolivia pledged full
support to Maduro.
Mexico and Cuba also have expressed support for
Maduro.
Maria Zakharova, spokesperson of the Russian
foreign ministry, said the US “handpicking” of a government in Caracas
perfectly illustrates the true Western sentiments toward international law,
sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs of states.
Therefore,
Caracas is hot with imperialist intervention. More moves that are imperialist
will follow. The moves will appear originating from within Venezuela although
those were seeded externally.
The US Strategy for Regime Change in Venezuela
Why the CIA Won’t Give Up on Venezeula | Interview
with Eva Golinger
ne zcela netypická ukázka propagandy
HUGO
CHAVEZ: VENEZUELAN COMMUNISM - COMUNISMO VENEZOLANO - YouTube
O Hugo Chavezovi se
nepsalo málo.
Seemorerocks: US plans to invade Venezuela
I believe that the armed forces of the United States are only used in
the case of a threat to national security," Rubio said, adding that he
believed there was a "very strong" argument that "Venezuela and
the Maduro regime have become a threat to the region and to the United
States."
Státní tajemník USA jmenoval osobu odpovědnou za „obnovení demokracie ve
Venezuele“. Státní tajemník USA Mike Pompeo informoval novináře, že jmenoval
bývalého diplomata Elliota Abramse za osobu odpovědnou za prosazení amerického
zájmu ve Venezuele.
Ambassador: Brazil will not support military
intervention in Venezuela |
Brazil
will not be part of any plans to use military intervention in Venezuela, says
Carlos Michaelsen den Hartog, Brazilian ambassador to Jamaica
But
we have these agreements with Mercosur, and Venezuela is part of Mercosur, and
Brazil has been pushing with the Lima group on the Venezuela issue, but people
may speculate all they want, but any kind of military intervention should be
forgotten quickly," den Hartog said.
Babiš:
Cesko má zájem na posílení obchodních vztahu s Brazílií | CeskéNoviny.cz
https://baltimoreeveningherald.com/.../venezuela-crisis.../
baltimoreeveningherald.com
Od prvného pokusu o
vojenský puč sice uplynulo šestnáct ale nezdá se, že lidé tohoto ražení jsou ochotni a schopni
ustupovat, pouze se změnila aktika.
I když se od te doby hodně
změnilo k horšímu nejen v oblasti ekonomie..
Venezuela: Revolution From the Inside
Out zde
Russia is
actively pursuing defense cooperation with Latin American countries, such
as Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua, which includes arms sales, the
construction of naval maintenance and resupply facilities, as well
as the occasional use of local airbases by Russian strategic
bombers on global patrol missions.
The Perennial Debate over Socialist, Goals Played Out
in Venezuela
The Long Brazilian Crisis: A Forum | Historical
Materialism
Brazil's
President Open To Possibility Of U.S. Military Base, Expresses Russia Concerns
Brazilian
offer of U.S. base in doubt, opposed by military | ReutersEven the defence
minister said he sees no reason to allow the United States to set up a military
base in the country.
A senior army officer told Reuters on
Saturday that the Brazilian military was against the idea.
“In Brazil, the external push comes in the shape of the economic elites
and the political forces at their service, which did not accept the fact that
they lost the 2014 elections and, in the midst of the current global crisis of
capital accumulation, felt seriously threatened by the prospect of another four
years with no control over that government-dependent portion of the country’s
resources on which their power has always rested. The height of that threat was
reached when Lula da Silva – viewed as
the best Brazilian president since 1988, with an 80% approval rate at the end
of his term – began being regarded as a potential presidential candidate for
2018. At that moment Brazilian
democracy ceased to be functional for this conservative political bloc, and
political destabilization ensued. The most obvious sign of the
anti-democratic drive was the movement to impeach President Dilma Rousseff
within a few months of her inauguration – a fact that was, if not totally
unheard of, at least highly unusual in the democratic history of the last three
decades. Realizing that their struggle for power was blocked by democracy’s
majority rule (“majority tyranny”), they sought to make use of that sovereign
body which is the least dependent on the rules of democracy and specifically
designed to protect minorities, i.e., the courts. Operation Lava Jato – an
otherwise highly worthy investigation – was the tool to which they resorted.
Backed by the conservative legal culture that is widely predominant in Brazil’s
judicial system, its Law Schools and the country at large, as well as by a full
arsenal of high-powered, high-precision media weapons, the conservative bloc
did everything it could to distort Operation Lava Jato. It thus diverted it
from its judicial goals, which in themselves were crucial for the consolidation
of democracy, and turned it into an operation of political extermination.”
http://alice.ces.uc.pt/en/index.php/homepage-videos/opinion-brazil-democracy-is-on-the-verge-of-chaos-and-the-perils-of-legal-disorder/
In August, Trump suggested military intervention, declaring: “This is
our neighbor, we’re all over the world and we have troops all over the world in
places that are very, very far away. Venezuela is not very far away and the
people are suffering and they’re dying.”
Demonizing Venezuela’s Revolution –
exclude
Venezuela from its particular
vision for the Americas and its peoples. .... compel all towards greater military and political strength - in
search of ...... la Orchila military
base just off the Venezuelan coast. With the uncertainty ......
Dominica, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, St.
Lucia and Antigua and Barbuda.
Diktatura bez hranic
The Integral Strategic Defense Regions(REDI) rejects
US interference and pledges its support for Nicolás Maduro -
venezuela.liveuamap.com
When do you think Bolsonaro will invade Venezuela? -
Quora
Thanks for the A2A. (Edit: Ozgur Zeren has reminded me that Chavez purchased 300,000 AK47s to
arm civilian militia groups, meaning that any invasion force would face a very well-armed “freedom guerrillas”
network that is already in place and waiting …so much of my “armchair” analysis
goes out the window.)
My
“armchair quarterback” opinion on this is that Bolsonaro has too much on his
plate at the moment to be launching an invasion into Venezuela. Even if used as
a tool for distracting his countrymen from the very real and many problems
facing Brazil at the moment, I think his support within Brazil would evaporate
within weeks.
Jair Bolsonaro’s inner circle: who’s
who
With
the unleashing of Bolsonaro, the military and civilian police—the most
fascist-like nucleus from the guts of Bolsonarismo’s original social base—as
well as the armed forces, have been emboldened and gone on the offensive.
According to the latest data, there are 425,000 state military police, 118,000
civil police, 13,000 federal police and 327,000 members of the army, navy and
air force. Counting retirees and families, this reactionary social “core”
contains no less than 3 million people.
The
projection of this social nucleus, idealized by Bolsonaro as a “victim” of
human rights so as to inspire the iron fist of the law, is inseparable from the
far-right political attacks that have escalated throughout the country in
recent weeks.
The
last fascist-like component of Bolsonaro’s base entered the field in the last
two weeks of the election campaign: the evangelical churches, which have
influence over an estimated third of the population.
Posoudit, že jde o " brutální režim v latinskoamerických parametrech"
lze snadno.
„Dle sečtení všech čtyř
kategorií (participace na politickém životě, svoboda vyjádřování, rovnost před
zákonem a efektivita voleb (tj. nejefektivnější způsob, jak něco změnit, je
účastnit se voleb – mimochodem, v tomto ukazateli Venezuela dosahuje
nejvyšších hodnot z celé Střední a Jižní Ameriky! – na tom je vidět ten
diktátorský režim.... po sečtení všech 4 ukazatelů se ukáže, že Venezuela je třetí nejsvobodnější zemí z 18, kde byl průzkum proveden.... Další významnou součástí
průzkumu jsou práva ekonomická a
sociální (zde jsou údaje z roku 2007). Venezuela
je zde zcela na špici a s velkým odstupem za ní následují další země.
Venezuela dosahuje první příčky v kategorii rovnost příležitostí (64),
v sociálním zajištění je rovněž první (51, Brazílie jen 25!), pracovní
příležitosti (54), opět nejlepší a spravedlivá distribuce bohatství – opět
nejvyšší hodnota 56! (Brazílie 12). Kevin Young, ZSpace: US
Policy and Democracy in Latin America: The Latinobarómetro Poll ZDE Podobné údaje potvrzuje rovněž „Gallup poll“
(Inter American Development Bank), který uvádí, že téměř 73% Venezuelanů je spokojeno
s dostupností zdravotní péče a 84% s veřejným vzdělávacím systémem. Zdroj ZDE Ilona Švihlíková
Latin America’s experiments in direct democracy
several members of Bolsonaro’s team, including General
Hamilton Mourão, have talked of the need for a ‘humanitarian intervention’ in
Venezuela.of Bolsonaro’s team, including General Hamilton Mourão,
The Trump administration would “reluctantly” shoulder the burden of
supporting this action. Perhaps since Colombia is now an associate member of
NATO, even the Europeans could get in on the action. The US Air Force would
provide air cover. The US Navy could use Tomahawk strikes against Venezuelan
command and control. Special Forces and maybe some Marines could also accompany
the “coalition” troops as they move in, particularly around the oil fields.
Maduro would be killed and the opposition put in power. The right-wing
counter-revolution in Latin America would be largely complete.
Talk
of a military takeover may help the Presidential aspirations of the
soldier-turned-congressman Jair Bolsonaro by recreating the regime-era image of
soldiers crusading against corruption.
The Ghost of Brazil's Military Dictatorship
The military is back in Brazilian politics
"Dej mi svou korunu,
Ježíši. Dej mi svůj kříž, své trny, abych mohl také krvácet. Ale dej
mi život, protože musím pro tuto zemi a tyto lidi udělat víc. Ještě si mě
neber."
Nemocný Chavez se znovu podrobil operaci na Kubě. Cestou na
letiště ho provázelo tisíce lidí a konaly
se ekumenické modlitby po celé zemi. Předpokládalo se, že léčba potrvá dalších 10 měsíců, ale prezident je schopen práce i volebního klání.
Optimisté mají zato, že léčba bude mnohem kratší. Lid ze společenství Yekuana,
Jivi a Wayuu uskutečnil potřebné rituály a tance. Samotný fakt, že se rituály konaly je úspěch. Toho se
protikandidát nedočká.
Nahodilý běh dění o jehož nahodilosti má hodně lidí v Jižní Americe
nemalé pochybnosti, způsobil že,
“Kromě Cháveze a Fernándezové byl zhoubný nádor v nedávné době diagnostikován u
brazilské prezidentky Dilmy Rousseffové, jejího předchůdce a možného
následovníka Luize Inácia Luly da Silvy a paraguayského prezidenta Fernanda
Luga. Shodou okolností jsou všichni z nich orientováni levicově…. Chávez
prozradil, že na jeho novou konspirační teorii přivedl bývalý kubánský vůdce Fidel Castro,
který je spolu s ním největším kritikem "amerického imperialismu".
"Fidel mi vždycky říkal, Chávezi, dej si pozor. Ti lidé vyvinuli
technologii. Jsi moc bezstarostný, Dávej pozor, co jíš, co ti dávají ... malá
jehla a vpíchnou ti bůhvíco," vyprávěl Chávez vojákům. “ Chavez dodal, že nikoho konkrétně neobviñuje. V případě presidentky
Kirchnerové snad o rakovinu nešlo.
Možnostem úvah a kombinací nic meze neklade viz Alex Jones za mnohé. V
minulosti byly za paranoidní konspirační theorie označována i fakta dnes
oficiálně přiznaná a dokumentovaná. Z Kuby se se Chavez vrátil vitální a
vesel, plný odhodlání čelit různobarevným
podrevolucím . Indigenous Leaders Sharing
the Sacred Pipe
Chavez, Venezuela, and the New Latin America -
Wikipedia
¿¡Revolución!?
US
Faces Tough Choices as It Weighs Next Moves on Venezuela | Political News | US
News
Former
UN Expert Zayas: US-led Coup in Venezuela Violates International Law | News |
teleSUR English
Bolívarovské misie
bolivar.wbs.cz
Volby ve Venezuele | "Moc lidu je
nejduležitejší pro prebudování zeme!"-Hugo Chávez
Teorie – základní principy
Definování socialismu 21. století není
podle H. Dietericha dosud ukončeno, neboť se stále vyvíjí, je však již možné
určit jeho základní principy.[8]
V
politické oblasti: Použití politické moci ve prospěch většiny a účastnická
demokracie na
místní, regionální a národní úrovni. Respektování politického pluralismu. Odvržení přebyrokratizovaného státu a
systému jediné strany, jediné odborové organizace a jediné doktríny.
V
ekonomické oblasti: Ekonomika sloužící potřebám komunit, kolektivní vlastnictví
výrobních prostředků, dále společné řízení (Co-Management)[9], na kterém se podílí kapitál i pracovní
síly. Vnitřní a udržitelný rozvoj. Respektování trhu a soukromého vlastnictví.
Odmítnutí utlačování pracovníků, výhradní státní vlastnictví výrobních
prostředků.
V
sociální oblasti: Cení si sociálních práv, sociálních hnutí, organizovaných
komunit, rovnosti a sociálního zapojení. Respektování třídních rozdílů a
odmítnutí třídního útlaku.
V geopolitické
oblasti: Formování Latinskoamerického mocenského bloku (ALBA) jako integračního modelu. Respektování
mezinárodních smluv. Odmítnutí neoliberalismu a US imperialismu. V hodnotové oblasti: Solidarita,
kolektivní prospěch, humanismus nad ekonomikou, svoboda a rovnost, flexibilita.
Respekt k místním kulturám a historickým podmínkám. Zavržení egoismu,
konkurenčních závodů uvnitř komunity, korupce a akumulování velkého množství
peněz jednotlivci.
Nový socialismus je možný pouze v
souvislosti s vysokou úrovní vzdělání, etiky a organizace výrobních sil, je to
dlouhodobý projekt.
Venezuela On Edge: Miguel Tinker Salas Joins the
Discussion
Professor
Miguel Tinker Salas is an authority on the political and social issues
confronting Latin America and the author of "Venezuela: What Everyone Needs to Know" and "The Enduring
Legacy: Oil." In this TRT interview, he examines the current situation in
Venezuela…….
Venezuela:
What Everyone Needs to Know, Miguel Tinker Salas
Venezuela's military supports
Maduro
Russia warns US against intervening in Venezuela after
Washington backs President's rival - ABC News (Australian Broadcasting
Corporation)
From an excerpt from the introduction of this book,
visit:
The Chávez Phenomenon
Writing about contemporary Venezuela today is a complicated task, one made all the more difficult as we assess the post-Chávez landscape, a landscape that he shaped more profoundly than any leader in Latin America in this century. A country that previously seldom registered on the world stage became the source of global attention, mostly centered on the actions of Chávez, who died in March 2013. Informed by media accounts, many people seem to hold relatively one-sided opinions of Venezuela under Chávez.°°
Caracas Reporter Says: ‘US Plot in Venezuela Failing’
Jair
Bolsonaro’s inner circle: who’s who
US
recalls ‘non-essential’ diplomats from Venezuela, but vows to keep embassy open
— RT World News
The Threat Of War With Venezuela | Brasil Wire
Several members of Bolsonaro’s team, including General Hamilton Mourão,
have talked of the need for a ‘humanitarian intervention’ in Venezuela…………
……The Trump administration would “reluctantly”
shoulder the burden of supporting this action. Perhaps since Colombia is now an
associate member of NATO, even the Europeans could get in on the action. The US
Air Force would provide air cover. The US Navy could use Tomahawk strikes
against Venezuelan command and control. Special Forces and maybe some Marines
could also accompany the “coalition” troops as they move in, particularly
around the oil fields. Maduro would be killed and the opposition put in power.
The right-wing counter-revolution in Latin America would be largely complete.
brazil and venezuela war - YouTube
Could Brazil invade and conquer Venezuela if Jair
Bolsonaro was elected and teamed up with Trump? - Quo
Hamilton Mourão, Brazil’s vice
president
What shape will the resistance to Bolsonaro take? |
SocialistWorker.org
More recently, Bolsonaro has begun to share the
conservative agendas associated with the bloc of parliamentarians elected on
the strength of their positions of leadership in neo-Pentecostal churches. He
has been especially associated with those who have attacked education in
Brazil, alleging that “communist indoctrination” dominates teaching practices
and that the school environment is responsible for the diffusion of a “gender
ideology” that confronts “traditional family” values. It is therefore hard to
contest the attribution of the term “fascist” to describe what Bolsonaro
represents and propagates.
The demonstrations of 2013 revealed that the PT
government had suffered a major blow to its support from some sectors of the
working class. At the same time, some fractions of the dominant class began to
distance themselves from the government, as the mass demonstrations showed that
it was no longer effective in bringing about what it had promised: social peace
based on the logic of class conciliation, which it had managed to achieve in
previous years.
The impeachment of Dilma by means of parliamentary
maneuvering, supported by judicial measures and broad diffusion by the major
media of the protests in the streets organized by far right civil society
groups, constituted the first act of a new kind of coup d’état.
However, the extent of social devastation (out-of-control
unemployment, increasing extreme poverty, public services crises, etc.) and the
unpopularity of the Temer administration’s austerity measures left no space
that would allow the traditional political parties of the dominant class to
create a strong electoral alternative for the upcoming 2018 elections. That was
apparent in the public opinion polls, which in the course of the first six
months of 2018 showed the majority intended to vote for ex-president Luiz
Inácio Lula da Silva, the PT’s candidate. To remove any possibility of an
electoral victory for the PT candidate, the second act of coup d’état was
accelerated through Lula’s condemnation, with unprecedented haste, in the
courts of appeals and his imprisonment on a charge of corruption based on very
fragile evidence.
Antonio Gramsci explained how a combination of crises
in the economic, social and political spheres seriously damages the legitimacy
of a given pattern of class domination. He based his analysis on a category he
termed “the organic crisis” (with which the idea of “hegemony crisis” is
associated). Gramsci defines the organic crisis as follows:
At a certain point in their historical lives, social
groups become detached from their traditional parties. In other words, the
traditional parties in that particular organizational form, with the particular
men who constitute, represent and lead them, are no longer recognized by their
class (or fraction of a class) as its expression. When such crises occur, the
immediate situation becomes delicate and dangerous, because the field is open
for violent solutions, for the activities of unknown forces, represented by
charismatic “men of destiny.”[1]
That kind of historical situation led Floristan
Fernandes, inspired by Gramsci’s “Passive Revolution” concept, to define the
form of bourgeois domination in Brazil as being marked by permanent (and
preventative) counter-revolution. Thus, far from any democratic commitments in
principle, the ruling class installed in Brazil has frequently had recourse to
dictatorial political regimes — an option that Fernandes defines as “bourgeois autocracy.” Another
important element that can contribute towards an understanding of the bases of
support that enabled Bolsonaro to get elected, and one whose dynamics have
become established over the last three decades, is the growing political
influence of the neo-Pentecostal churches. At the origin of that growth is the
advance of conservatism in upper echelons of the Catholic Church emanating from
the Vatican. These have broken the backbone of the social interventions made by
the Basic Ecclesial Communities (Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, or CEBs), forms
of grassroots organization/movements stimulated by progressive sectors of the
Catholic Church, attuned to the theology of liberation. The breaking up of CEBs
and their associated movements only served to distance the Catholic Church even
further, not only from the more organized parts of the working class, but also
from the poorer sectors, making way for the advance of the evangelical
denominations among those same sectors.
Even though we must acknowledge their heterogeneity,
nevertheless, among the Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal denominations, there is
a perdominant theological-political concept: the so-called “theology of
prosperity.” It involves an ideology of adaptation to the order of the day by
means of the idea of the “individual effort” and that supports a business-like
expansion of those churches into various economic sectors, particularly the
communication sector.
remarkable was the movement of those thousands who
went campaigning from door to door and others who set up stools in the squares
offering to converse with voters who were still undecided. This was a
grassroots mobilization such as has not been seen in Brazil since the 1989
elections (the first direct elections after the end of the military
dictatorship). Students also took part in movements of resistance in the public
universities. In the first days after the elections, assemblies and events in
the main capital cities indicate that there are many people already seeking to
construct organized resistance to the measures announced by Bolsonaro and the greater
threat of an intensification of the autocratic features of the Brazilian state.
J.M.Bolsonaro
Vojenská stratégia, ktorú uplatňuje Pentagon na ovládanie Brazílie,
spočíva v obkľúčení tejto obrovskej krajiny vojenskými základňami (ktoré
dnes stoja v Paname, Kolumbii, Peru a Paraguaji) a vo vyvolávaní
konfliktov a nestability na jej hraniciach.
Ak sa USA podarí rozšíriť kolumbijský konflikt smerom k amazonskej
Brazílii, ako sa to deje smerom k Venezuele, vytvorí tak v Brazílii
situáciu nekontrolovateľnej nestability, ktorá by mohla byť príťažou v jej
vzrastajúcom význame regionálnej moci schopnej nahradiť upadajúcu hegemonickú
veľmoc.
Brániť
Amazóniu znamená bojovať. V tomto zmysle uvažuje Národná stratégia obrany
vo vzťahu k vojenskému zmýšľaniu USA veľmi autonomisticky. „Odhovoriť ich
od toho znamená byť pripravený bojovať. Akokoľvek dokonalá totiž môže byť
technológia, nikdy sa nestane alternatívou boja. Vždy bude jeho prostriedkom.“
Kým Pentagon sa vo vojenskej
stratégii vedenia vojny spolieha na technológiu, Brazília kladie hlavný dôraz
na priamy boj v teréne. Sú tu však rôzne zmeny: letecké sily sústredené do
Sao Paula a ku pobrežiu pri Riu de Janeiro sa majú spojiť s ostrovmi
južného Atlantiku, kde boli objavené nové obrovské zásoby ropy, vďaka ktorým sa
Brazília stala siedmou najväčšou ropnou mocnosťou sveta. Námorné loďstvo bude
navyše strážiť ústie Amazonky, ako aj jej povodie a povodie riek Paraguay
a Paraná.
Od roku 2004 sa vojenský
rozpočet Brazílie zvýšil o 45 percent, nehovoriac o nedávnych
nákupoch ponoriek, helikoptér a 36 stíhačiek poslednej generácie či
základni ponoriek, ktorej výstavba sa začala neďaleko Ria de Janeiro, ako píšu
noviny O Estado de Sao Paulo
(25. apríla 2010). Len prednedávnom odovzdal minister obrany Nelson Jobim
leteckým silám dvanásť helikoptér kúpených v Rusku a určených pre
leteckú základňu Porto Velho v brazílskom amazonskom štáte hraničiacom
s Bolíviou. Sú to prvé vojenské helikoptéry vo vlastníctve štátu
a zároveň predstavujú prvý vojenský nákup od Ruska. Keď sa onedlho podpíše
dohoda s Francúzskom o skonštruovaní 36 stíhačiek Rafale, spečatí sa
prudký príklon smerom k vytvoreniu autonómneho vojensko-priemyselného
komplexu, prvého na území Juhu.
Vo vydaní denníka Diario do Povo z 28. apríla 2010
sa môžeme dočítať, že „obdobie, v ktorých vládnuce veľmoci využívali
exkluzivitu svojich sfér vplyvu, sa stáva vecou minulosti.“ Noviny vysvetľujú
nárast vojenského loďstva Číny a jeho šírenie v celom západnom
Tichomorí. Vládne noviny dodávajú, že mocenské vzťahy v Tichom oceáne sa
menia a že USA tam posilňujú svoju prítomnosť, nakoľko vojenský vzostup Číny je
„strategická požiadavka každej veľmoci, ktorá chce hájiť svoje záujmy podľa
možností svojich kapacít.“ V Južnej Amerike sa odohráva čosi podobné: jej
veľmoc sa pripravuje nahradiť, a to aj vo vojenskom rozmere, upadajúce
impérium Spojených štátov amerických.
Preložila Silvia Ruppeldtová
Zdroj: Alainet http://www.alainet.org/active/37749
ˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇˇ
For the sake of the Venezuelan people, the region, and
for the principle of national sovereignty, these international actors should
instead support negotiations between the Venezuelan government and its opponents
that will allow the country to finally emerge from its political and economic
crisis.
Signed:
Noam Chomsky, Professor Emeritus, MIT and Laureate
Professor, University of Arizona
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor of Latin American History and Chicano/a Latino/a Studies at Pomona College
Sujatha Fernandes, Professor of Political Economy and Sociology, University of Sydney
Steve Ellner, Associate Managing Editor of Latin American Perspectives
Alfred de Zayas, former UN Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order and only UN rapporteur to have visited Venezuela in 21 years
Boots Riley, Writer/Director of Sorry to Bother You, Musician
John Pilger, Journalist & Film-Maker
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Jared Abbott, PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University
Dr. Tim Anderson, Director, Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies
Elisabeth Armstrong, Professor of the Study of Women and Gender, Smith College
Alexander Aviña, PhD, Associate Professor of History, Arizona State University
Marc Becker, Professor of History, Truman State University
Medea Benjamin, Cofounder, CODEPINK
Phyllis Bennis, Program Director, New Internationalism, Institute for Policy Studies
Dr. Robert E. Birt, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie State University
Aviva Chomsky, Professor of History, Salem State University
James Cohen, University of Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor, George Mason University
Benjamin Dangl, PhD, Editor of Toward Freedom
Dr. Francisco Dominguez, Faculty of Professional and Social Sciences, Middlesex University, UK
Alex Dupuy, John E. Andrus Professor of Sociology Emeritus, Wesleyan University
Jodie Evans, Cofounder, CODEPINK
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor of International Studies, University of Washington
Gavin Fridell, Canada Research Chair and Associate Professor in International Development Studies, St. Mary’s University
Evelyn Gonzalez, Counselor, Montgomery College
Jeffrey L. Gould, Rudy Professor of History, Indiana University
Bret Gustafson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis
Peter Hallward, Professor of Philosophy, Kingston University
John L. Hammond, Professor of Sociology, CUNY
Mark Healey, Associate Professor of History, University of Connecticut
Gabriel Hetland, Assistant Professor of Latin American, Caribbean and U.S. Latino Studies, University of Albany
Forrest Hylton, Associate Professor of History, Universidad Nacional de Colombia-Medellín
Daniel James, Bernardo Mendel Chair of Latin American History
Chuck Kaufman, National Co-Coordinator, Alliance for Global Justice
Daniel Kovalik, Adjunct Professor of Law, University of Pittsburgh
Winnie Lem, Professor, International Development Studies, Trent University
Dr. Gilberto López y Rivas, Professor-Researcher, National University of Anthropology and History, Morelos, Mexico
Mary Ann Mahony, Professor of History, Central Connecticut State University
Jorge Mancini, Vice President, Foundation for Latin American Integration (FILA)
Luís Martin-Cabrera, Associate Professor of Literature and Latin American Studies, University of California San Diego
Teresa A. Meade, Florence B. Sherwood Professor of History and Culture, Union College
Frederick Mills, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie State University
Stephen Morris, Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Middle Tennessee State University
Liisa L. North, Professor Emeritus, York University
Paul Ortiz, Associate Professor of History, University of Florida
Christian Parenti, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, John Jay College CUNY
Nicole Phillips, Law Professor at the Université de la Foundation Dr. Aristide Faculté des Sciences Juridiques et Politiques and Adjunct Law Professor at the University of California Hastings College of the Law
Beatrice Pita, Lecturer, Department of Literature, University of California San Diego
Margaret Power, Professor of History, Illinois Institute of Technology
Vijay Prashad, Editor, The TriContinental
Eleanora Quijada Cervoni FHEA, Staff Education Facilitator & EFS Mentor, Centre for Higher Education, Learning & Teaching at The Australian National University
Walter Riley, Attorney and Activist
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara
Mary Roldan, Dorothy Epstein Professor of Latin American History, Hunter College/ CUNY Graduate Center
Karin Rosemblatt, Professor of History, University of Maryland
Emir Sader, Professor of Sociology, University of the State of Rio de Janeiro
Rosaura Sanchez, Professor of Latin American Literature and Chicano Literature, University of California, San Diego
T.M. Scruggs Jr., Professor Emeritus, University of Iowa
Victor Silverman, Professor of History, Pomona College
Brad Simpson, Associate Professor of History, University of Connecticut
Jeb Sprague, Lecturer, University of Virginia
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University
Sinclair S. Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor of Latin American History and Chicano/a Latino/a Studies at Pomona College
Sujatha Fernandes, Professor of Political Economy and Sociology, University of Sydney
Steve Ellner, Associate Managing Editor of Latin American Perspectives
Alfred de Zayas, former UN Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order and only UN rapporteur to have visited Venezuela in 21 years
Boots Riley, Writer/Director of Sorry to Bother You, Musician
John Pilger, Journalist & Film-Maker
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Jared Abbott, PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University
Dr. Tim Anderson, Director, Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies
Elisabeth Armstrong, Professor of the Study of Women and Gender, Smith College
Alexander Aviña, PhD, Associate Professor of History, Arizona State University
Marc Becker, Professor of History, Truman State University
Medea Benjamin, Cofounder, CODEPINK
Phyllis Bennis, Program Director, New Internationalism, Institute for Policy Studies
Dr. Robert E. Birt, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie State University
Aviva Chomsky, Professor of History, Salem State University
James Cohen, University of Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor, George Mason University
Benjamin Dangl, PhD, Editor of Toward Freedom
Dr. Francisco Dominguez, Faculty of Professional and Social Sciences, Middlesex University, UK
Alex Dupuy, John E. Andrus Professor of Sociology Emeritus, Wesleyan University
Jodie Evans, Cofounder, CODEPINK
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor of International Studies, University of Washington
Gavin Fridell, Canada Research Chair and Associate Professor in International Development Studies, St. Mary’s University
Evelyn Gonzalez, Counselor, Montgomery College
Jeffrey L. Gould, Rudy Professor of History, Indiana University
Bret Gustafson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis
Peter Hallward, Professor of Philosophy, Kingston University
John L. Hammond, Professor of Sociology, CUNY
Mark Healey, Associate Professor of History, University of Connecticut
Gabriel Hetland, Assistant Professor of Latin American, Caribbean and U.S. Latino Studies, University of Albany
Forrest Hylton, Associate Professor of History, Universidad Nacional de Colombia-Medellín
Daniel James, Bernardo Mendel Chair of Latin American History
Chuck Kaufman, National Co-Coordinator, Alliance for Global Justice
Daniel Kovalik, Adjunct Professor of Law, University of Pittsburgh
Winnie Lem, Professor, International Development Studies, Trent University
Dr. Gilberto López y Rivas, Professor-Researcher, National University of Anthropology and History, Morelos, Mexico
Mary Ann Mahony, Professor of History, Central Connecticut State University
Jorge Mancini, Vice President, Foundation for Latin American Integration (FILA)
Luís Martin-Cabrera, Associate Professor of Literature and Latin American Studies, University of California San Diego
Teresa A. Meade, Florence B. Sherwood Professor of History and Culture, Union College
Frederick Mills, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie State University
Stephen Morris, Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Middle Tennessee State University
Liisa L. North, Professor Emeritus, York University
Paul Ortiz, Associate Professor of History, University of Florida
Christian Parenti, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, John Jay College CUNY
Nicole Phillips, Law Professor at the Université de la Foundation Dr. Aristide Faculté des Sciences Juridiques et Politiques and Adjunct Law Professor at the University of California Hastings College of the Law
Beatrice Pita, Lecturer, Department of Literature, University of California San Diego
Margaret Power, Professor of History, Illinois Institute of Technology
Vijay Prashad, Editor, The TriContinental
Eleanora Quijada Cervoni FHEA, Staff Education Facilitator & EFS Mentor, Centre for Higher Education, Learning & Teaching at The Australian National University
Walter Riley, Attorney and Activist
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara
Mary Roldan, Dorothy Epstein Professor of Latin American History, Hunter College/ CUNY Graduate Center
Karin Rosemblatt, Professor of History, University of Maryland
Emir Sader, Professor of Sociology, University of the State of Rio de Janeiro
Rosaura Sanchez, Professor of Latin American Literature and Chicano Literature, University of California, San Diego
T.M. Scruggs Jr., Professor Emeritus, University of Iowa
Victor Silverman, Professor of History, Pomona College
Brad Simpson, Associate Professor of History, University of Connecticut
Jeb Sprague, Lecturer, University of Virginia
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University
Sinclair S. Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Steven Topik, Professor of History, University of
California, Irvine
Stephen Volk, Professor of History Emeritus, Oberlin College
Kirsten Weld, John. L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Department of History, Harvard University
Kevin Young, Assistant Professor of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Patricio Zamorano, Academic of Latin American Studies; Executive Director, InfoAmericas
Stephen Volk, Professor of History Emeritus, Oberlin College
Kirsten Weld, John. L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Department of History, Harvard University
Kevin Young, Assistant Professor of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Patricio Zamorano, Academic of Latin American Studies; Executive Director, InfoAmericas
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This is the world we live
in. This is the world we cover.¨
Open Letter by Over 70 Scholars and Experts Condemns
US-Backed Coup
Attempt in Venezuela
.
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